Haiti in the 21st Century: Constitutional Refoundation as a Historical Duty and Act of National Renaissance.
By La Rédaction · Port-au-Prince · · 6 min read · Updated 24 April 2026
Translated from French — AI-assisted and reviewed by the editorial team. The French version is authoritative. Read the original · About our translation policy
Response to Me Josué Pierre-Louis, author of “What I Know About the Haitian Constitution of 1987” and to the article in Le National newspaper.
Article written by Hugette Hérard, published on November 15, 2025.
By Yvon Bonhomme
Stoic – Committed Researcher – Expert in Public Governance, Political Leadership, and Institutional Development – President-Founder of the Parti Patriyòt Rasanble pou Sove Lakay (PARASOL) – Former Director General of MHAVE – Author of the national project Renaissance – Leave No One Behind. I. Introduction — The Debate on Haiti's Institutional Soul.- In his latest work, What I Know About the Haitian Constitution of 1987, Me Josué Pierre-Louis, an eminent jurist and former Keeper of the Seals, asserts that Haiti does not suffer from a constitutional problem, but from a crisis of political identity. II. A New Era: The 21st Century Calls Haiti to its Constitutional Rendezvous.- At a time when the world is transforming at an unprecedented pace — geopolitical upheavals, digital revolution, global mobility, rise of emerging economies, environmental challenges, cross-border security — one truth stands out: no nation crosses the 21st century with a state designed for the 20th. A Constitution is not a mere text; it is the living foundation of a nation. It is the legal, philosophical, and moral framework that structures governance, guarantees rights, organizes powers, and expresses the political identity of a people. Haiti, a beautiful, rich, brilliant nation, mother of Black dignity in world history, cannot continue to face contemporary challenges with paralyzed institutions. A refoundation is needed. Not a mere revision. A constitutional renaissance. III. What is a Constitution? Legal, Philosophical, and International Foundations.- 1. The Constitution: Supreme Norm and Founding Pact According to Hans Kelsen, the Constitution is the fundamental norm, the apex of the legal pyramid. According to Sieyès, it is the expression of the original constituent power, that of the sovereign people. According to Madison, it organizes power to prevent abuses and guarantee liberty. A modern Constitution is not just a collection of articles; it is a national project, a moral contract between generations. 2. In the Hierarchy of Norms It determines:
– the architecture of the State,
– the balance of powers,
– territorial organization,
– the protection of fundamental freedoms. Every law, every decree, every public decision must conform to it. 3. Revision or Refoundation?
Constitutions are revised when they are perfectible. They are refounded when they no longer function. Constitutional doctrine (Troper, Burdeau, Schmitt) then speaks of constitutional exhaustion:
when a text can no longer correct the crises it generates, it must be replaced. 4. A Major International Stake In the contemporary world: – institutional stability = economic attractiveness ; – legal certainty = investor confidence; – constitutional predictability = international respect. A modern Constitution is a badge of credibility in the international community. IV. Haiti: A Magnificent Nation Hampered by an Outdated Institutional Framework.- Haiti possesses incomparable human wealth: – a creative youth,
– a dynamic diaspora,
– a vibrant culture,
– a strong identity,
– a unique history. The country can become a Caribbean, agricultural, tourist, digital, and cultural hub. But without a stable institutional architecture, no transformation is possible. The 21st century is already underway. Haiti's constitutional timeline is two generations behind. V. The 1987 Constitution: A Historical, Yet Exhausted Text: 1. A Text Born of Mistrust The 1987 Constitution was adopted to prevent any return to authoritarianism. It fulfilled this role. But it also produced its inverse: dilution of state authority, institutional fragmentation without coherence. 2. Its Structural Flaws: – Unstable hyper-parliamentarism, – Weakened executive, – Proliferation of uncoordinated institutions, – Absence of modern mechanisms (digital, diaspora, economic integration, contemporary security), – Permanent and paralyzing electoral system, – Lack of tools to manage institutional crises. 3. Result: Thirty-Six Years of Instability. Since 1987: – ephemeral governments, – repeated electoral crises, – administrations without continuity, – loss of citizen trust, – paralysis of development. It's not a problem of people.
It's a problem of the system. VI. Data Condemning the Current Model.- The figures speak for themselves: in 35 years, Haiti has lost over 200 billion dollars in development potential and due to poor governance. According to UNDP, the World Bank, and the PARASOL Expert Group: – More than 36% of the population lives in extreme poverty; – Haiti is ranked 168th out of 180 countries for corruption; – Only about 35% of households have access to electricity; – 1 million elderly people live without pensions or social coverage; – Approximately 200,000 children wander the streets; – More than 61% of farmers survive without economic protection; – The informal economy accounts for 80%, compared to 20% for the formal sector; – The State has a budget of less than 3 billion USD, of which it struggles to mobilize 40%; – Out of 3 million young people eligible for higher education, only 1.3% access it; – Among those who obtain a diploma, more than 80% dream of exile, due to lack of opportunities; – 30% of the national GDP comes from the diaspora, yet it is excluded from recruitment and integration policies; – Haiti ranks 137th out of 139 countries for its adaptability to the global digital revolution; – The country still operates under a 1979 decree related to CONATEL, without modern legislation for digitalization and cybersecurity. These figures do not condemn the Haitian people, but an exhausted institutional model, incapable of organizing collective effort and channeling national genius towards progress. VII. Response to Me Josué Pierre-Louis and Hugette Hérard's Article.- Me Pierre-Louis asserts that Haiti does not suffer from a constitutional problem, but from a crisis of political identity. A brilliant thesis in form, but incomplete in substance. Political identity is embodied in a living constitutional framework, which gives the nation its direction, cohesion, and continuity. To refuse to refound the Constitution in the name of a lost identity is to confuse the symptom and the cause. Haiti seeks the institutional structure capable of revealing and protecting its identity, while fully integrating its diaspora. VIII. Why a New Constitution is Indispensable — Now Ending institutional instability: clarity, stability, responsibility, coherence of powers. Modernizing the Haitian State: digital governance, strong territorialized states, modernized justice, clear status for the diaspora, solid economic institutions. Protecting national sovereignty: a weak state is not sovereign; a modern Constitution is a political and diplomatic shield. Avoiding the risks of the status quo: fragmentation, paralysis, brain drain, impossibility of building lasting peace. IX. PARASOL's Proposal: Doctrine and Resurgent Republic
Stoic – Committed Researcher – Expert in Public Governance, Political Leadership, and Institutional Development – President-Founder of the Parti Patriyòt Rasanble pou Sove Lakay (PARASOL) – Former Director General of MHAVE – Author of the national project Renaissance – Leave No One Behind. parasolhaitipol@gmail.com
Stoic – Committed Researcher – Expert in Public Governance, Political Leadership, and Institutional Development – President-Founder of the Parti Patriyòt Rasanble pou Sove Lakay (PARASOL) – Former Director General of MHAVE – Author of the national project Renaissance – Leave No One Behind. I. Introduction — The Debate on Haiti's Institutional Soul.- In his latest work, What I Know About the Haitian Constitution of 1987, Me Josué Pierre-Louis, an eminent jurist and former Keeper of the Seals, asserts that Haiti does not suffer from a constitutional problem, but from a crisis of political identity. II. A New Era: The 21st Century Calls Haiti to its Constitutional Rendezvous.- At a time when the world is transforming at an unprecedented pace — geopolitical upheavals, digital revolution, global mobility, rise of emerging economies, environmental challenges, cross-border security — one truth stands out: no nation crosses the 21st century with a state designed for the 20th. A Constitution is not a mere text; it is the living foundation of a nation. It is the legal, philosophical, and moral framework that structures governance, guarantees rights, organizes powers, and expresses the political identity of a people. Haiti, a beautiful, rich, brilliant nation, mother of Black dignity in world history, cannot continue to face contemporary challenges with paralyzed institutions. A refoundation is needed. Not a mere revision. A constitutional renaissance. III. What is a Constitution? Legal, Philosophical, and International Foundations.- 1. The Constitution: Supreme Norm and Founding Pact According to Hans Kelsen, the Constitution is the fundamental norm, the apex of the legal pyramid. According to Sieyès, it is the expression of the original constituent power, that of the sovereign people. According to Madison, it organizes power to prevent abuses and guarantee liberty. A modern Constitution is not just a collection of articles; it is a national project, a moral contract between generations. 2. In the Hierarchy of Norms It determines:
– the architecture of the State,
– the balance of powers,
– territorial organization,
– the protection of fundamental freedoms. Every law, every decree, every public decision must conform to it. 3. Revision or Refoundation?
Constitutions are revised when they are perfectible. They are refounded when they no longer function. Constitutional doctrine (Troper, Burdeau, Schmitt) then speaks of constitutional exhaustion:
when a text can no longer correct the crises it generates, it must be replaced. 4. A Major International Stake In the contemporary world: – institutional stability = economic attractiveness ; – legal certainty = investor confidence; – constitutional predictability = international respect. A modern Constitution is a badge of credibility in the international community. IV. Haiti: A Magnificent Nation Hampered by an Outdated Institutional Framework.- Haiti possesses incomparable human wealth: – a creative youth,
– a dynamic diaspora,
– a vibrant culture,
– a strong identity,
– a unique history. The country can become a Caribbean, agricultural, tourist, digital, and cultural hub. But without a stable institutional architecture, no transformation is possible. The 21st century is already underway. Haiti's constitutional timeline is two generations behind. V. The 1987 Constitution: A Historical, Yet Exhausted Text: 1. A Text Born of Mistrust The 1987 Constitution was adopted to prevent any return to authoritarianism. It fulfilled this role. But it also produced its inverse: dilution of state authority, institutional fragmentation without coherence. 2. Its Structural Flaws: – Unstable hyper-parliamentarism, – Weakened executive, – Proliferation of uncoordinated institutions, – Absence of modern mechanisms (digital, diaspora, economic integration, contemporary security), – Permanent and paralyzing electoral system, – Lack of tools to manage institutional crises. 3. Result: Thirty-Six Years of Instability. Since 1987: – ephemeral governments, – repeated electoral crises, – administrations without continuity, – loss of citizen trust, – paralysis of development. It's not a problem of people.
It's a problem of the system. VI. Data Condemning the Current Model.- The figures speak for themselves: in 35 years, Haiti has lost over 200 billion dollars in development potential and due to poor governance. According to UNDP, the World Bank, and the PARASOL Expert Group: – More than 36% of the population lives in extreme poverty; – Haiti is ranked 168th out of 180 countries for corruption; – Only about 35% of households have access to electricity; – 1 million elderly people live without pensions or social coverage; – Approximately 200,000 children wander the streets; – More than 61% of farmers survive without economic protection; – The informal economy accounts for 80%, compared to 20% for the formal sector; – The State has a budget of less than 3 billion USD, of which it struggles to mobilize 40%; – Out of 3 million young people eligible for higher education, only 1.3% access it; – Among those who obtain a diploma, more than 80% dream of exile, due to lack of opportunities; – 30% of the national GDP comes from the diaspora, yet it is excluded from recruitment and integration policies; – Haiti ranks 137th out of 139 countries for its adaptability to the global digital revolution; – The country still operates under a 1979 decree related to CONATEL, without modern legislation for digitalization and cybersecurity. These figures do not condemn the Haitian people, but an exhausted institutional model, incapable of organizing collective effort and channeling national genius towards progress. VII. Response to Me Josué Pierre-Louis and Hugette Hérard's Article.- Me Pierre-Louis asserts that Haiti does not suffer from a constitutional problem, but from a crisis of political identity. A brilliant thesis in form, but incomplete in substance. Political identity is embodied in a living constitutional framework, which gives the nation its direction, cohesion, and continuity. To refuse to refound the Constitution in the name of a lost identity is to confuse the symptom and the cause. Haiti seeks the institutional structure capable of revealing and protecting its identity, while fully integrating its diaspora. VIII. Why a New Constitution is Indispensable — Now Ending institutional instability: clarity, stability, responsibility, coherence of powers. Modernizing the Haitian State: digital governance, strong territorialized states, modernized justice, clear status for the diaspora, solid economic institutions. Protecting national sovereignty: a weak state is not sovereign; a modern Constitution is a political and diplomatic shield. Avoiding the risks of the status quo: fragmentation, paralysis, brain drain, impossibility of building lasting peace. IX. PARASOL's Proposal: Doctrine and Resurgent Republic
- The Dessalinian Right
- A structured and modern vision:
Stoic – Committed Researcher – Expert in Public Governance, Political Leadership, and Institutional Development – President-Founder of the Parti Patriyòt Rasanble pou Sove Lakay (PARASOL) – Former Director General of MHAVE – Author of the national project Renaissance – Leave No One Behind. parasolhaitipol@gmail.com
