The Russian Federation Between Myth and Reality
By La Rédaction · Port-au-Prince
· 4 min read · Updated 24 April 2026
Translated from French — AI-assisted and reviewed by the editorial team. The French version is authoritative. Read the original · About our translation policy
After more than three years of war and several rounds of sanctions, Moscow continues to stir as much passion as mystery.
In Western propaganda, the Russian Federation appears as a country ruined by war, ostracized by nations, and reduced to a quasi-protectorate of the Middle Kingdom. Conversely, according to alternative media, Russia is presented as a country of opportunities, which has strategically reoriented itself towards Asia, Latin America, and Africa — grouped under the term “Global South” in Western terminology.
In the following lines, we will dissect these two opposing paradigms to try and gain a clearer understanding.
February 22, 2022, marks the beginning of what Moscow calls a “special military operation,” while Western countries view it as a war of aggression against Ukraine.
This war, far from being a spontaneous event, has deep roots in earlier events, notably the Orange Revolution of 2004 and the overthrow of pro-Russian power during the Maidan uprising in 2014, which some describe as a Western-backed coup d'état.
In the Kremlin's view, this military intervention aimed to protect Russian-speaking and Russophile populations living in eastern Ukraine, communities that emerged from the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 and have since been dispersed across several former Soviet republics.
Furthermore, Moscow invokes a verbal commitment dating back to the end of the Cold War: during negotiations for German reunification, Mikhail Gorbachev reportedly received assurances that NATO would not expand eastward, particularly into former Warsaw Pact countries. According to this historical interpretation, NATO's gradual enlargement constitutes a violation of this tacit agreement and a direct threat to Russia's national security.
It is in this context that Vladimir Putin believes he has an obligation to correct what he considers a major historical injustice, by attempting to restore a form of Russian sphere of influence over its “near abroad.”
Faced with this war, Western countries — primarily the United States, the United Kingdom, Japan, and the European Union — have adopted an unprecedented series of economic sanctions against Moscow, with the stated aim of forcing the Kremlin to yield.
Notably, we recall the statement by French Minister of Economy, Bruno Le Maire, asserting: “We are going to wage a total economic war against Russia.” This announcement summarized the intensity of the Western response.
Among the emblematic measures are:
The exclusion of Moscow from the SWIFT interbank payment system, severely reducing its ability to conduct international financial transactions.
The blocking of the Nord Stream II gas project, intended to strengthen Europe's energy supply directly from Russia.
The massive departure of major Western companies such as L'Oréal, McDonald's, KFC, IKEA, and many others, marking an economic and symbolic disengagement.
The confiscation of Russian state assets held in European and American banks.
The freezing of assets of several Russian oligarchs, close to power, supposedly exerting influence over President Putin.
These sanctions aim to isolate Russia economically, dry up the financial resources of the Russian state, and provoke a strategic change of course through internal political and social pressure.
Despite the scale of Western sanctions, the Russian Federation has managed to reorient its economy towards new strategic partners.
These partners include the People's Republic of China, India, Turkey, the United Arab Emirates, as well as several countries in Africa and Central Asia, notably Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, and Azerbaijan. These states serve not only as trade intermediaries but also as platforms to circumvent some of the economic sanctions imposed by the United States and the European Union. Thanks to this reorientation, the Russian economy has shown remarkable resilience. In the first quarter of the current year, Russia recorded a growth rate higher than that of the Eurozone, with an increase of approximately 1%. Furthermore, the Russian Federation remains a central player in several key global sectors: The world's leading wheat exporter, contributing significantly to the food security of many Global South countries. A major supplier of chemical fertilizers, essential for global agriculture. A strategic exporter of natural gas, particularly through its strengthened relations with China and other countries not aligned with the sanctions. Russian manufacturing industry accounts for approximately 33% of GDP, a high figure that demonstrates the solidity of its productive base. Moreover, measured by purchasing power parity (PPP), Russia currently ranks as the fourth largest economy in the world, behind China, the United States, and India. The country also continues its industrial ambitions, with the development of aircraft such as the Sukhoi Superjet 100, a symbol of a desire for technological sovereignty in the face of Western isolation. Domestically, the daily life of the average Russian citizen does not seem to have been profoundly disrupted. Innovative social programs have been implemented to support purchasing power, modernize infrastructure, and maintain a certain economic stability. Moscow, as the capital, today embodies both the political power and economic resilience of the Russian Federation. A country whose leaders make pragmatic decisions, free from ideological dogmas, is capable of overcoming economic challenges — even when facing pressure from a numerically minority West on the world stage. Wilfrid Joseph
These partners include the People's Republic of China, India, Turkey, the United Arab Emirates, as well as several countries in Africa and Central Asia, notably Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, and Azerbaijan. These states serve not only as trade intermediaries but also as platforms to circumvent some of the economic sanctions imposed by the United States and the European Union. Thanks to this reorientation, the Russian economy has shown remarkable resilience. In the first quarter of the current year, Russia recorded a growth rate higher than that of the Eurozone, with an increase of approximately 1%. Furthermore, the Russian Federation remains a central player in several key global sectors: The world's leading wheat exporter, contributing significantly to the food security of many Global South countries. A major supplier of chemical fertilizers, essential for global agriculture. A strategic exporter of natural gas, particularly through its strengthened relations with China and other countries not aligned with the sanctions. Russian manufacturing industry accounts for approximately 33% of GDP, a high figure that demonstrates the solidity of its productive base. Moreover, measured by purchasing power parity (PPP), Russia currently ranks as the fourth largest economy in the world, behind China, the United States, and India. The country also continues its industrial ambitions, with the development of aircraft such as the Sukhoi Superjet 100, a symbol of a desire for technological sovereignty in the face of Western isolation. Domestically, the daily life of the average Russian citizen does not seem to have been profoundly disrupted. Innovative social programs have been implemented to support purchasing power, modernize infrastructure, and maintain a certain economic stability. Moscow, as the capital, today embodies both the political power and economic resilience of the Russian Federation. A country whose leaders make pragmatic decisions, free from ideological dogmas, is capable of overcoming economic challenges — even when facing pressure from a numerically minority West on the world stage. Wilfrid Joseph
