The Silence of Haitian Intellectuals in the Face of Profound Decay

How could nine corrupt individuals in power, who have confiscated the nation, obtain the silence of the Haitian intellectual elite, spread between Haiti and the diaspora? How do the rich accept living in a chaos that risks sweeping them away one morning? Why does global society refuse to sanction those who, through their actions in power, have destroyed the country's independence and sovereignty? How did this happen to Haiti? When a structure called the “Transitional Presidential Council” of nine members was placed in power to manage the Haitian political transition, some voices concluded that this formula could not work. It was too strange given our political and constitutional history. Referring to certain political figures who composed it, and seeing that they were experienced individuals who had previously held various positions of power, some observers tempered their criticisms. It is well known that inexperience in politics is a serious problem. In our country, the majority of our “experienced” individuals don't truly have experience. They have learned nothing about the state, neither in theory nor in practice. We seriously lack state professionals in the country's governance. We too often make mistakes about the people who should govern us. An individual or several individuals can make mistakes, but when the nation collectively makes a mistake, we head straight for decline. Through the Transitional Presidential Council, the majority of the nation's vital sectors made a mistake. This body is the choice of the political class, the private business sector, and civil society. It is a global failure whose consequences the country is beginning to feel. We are not seeking to be right. We have done our work as responsible public intellectuals. This is not new behavior. In national history, whenever the nation goes through a crisis of this magnitude, there have always been voices to indicate the path forward, the solution to consider. But foreigners, as well as a large part of the elite, have always refused to take the path of reason. Ultimately, it is always the country that suffers. We had said no to the constitutional reform as it was undertaken by those in power. This initiative, in the end, proved to be a real intellectual and political fiasco. Haiti, I repeat, does not have a constitutional problem, even if the foundational text of 1987 deserves to be revisited. How can some intellectuals allow themselves to evaluate a text that has never been applied? Setting aside a constitution that has never been applied means that it was never desired or accepted. However, the big problem with Haitian elites is that they do not want the law. I have amply emphasized this: respect for the law is a matter of education. Therefore, respect for our Constitution and our laws depends not only on their intrinsic value but also on the will of the governed and the governors to respect them. Haitians do not like the law. But how can we teach them that respect for laws and institutions remains the best policy, the true guarantee of stability? Today, we are at a crossroads. On February 7, 2026, the system will fall. Its main actors and beneficiaries are trying to push it to the very end. What must we do now, together, to prevent their maneuvers from plunging us back into the same political decline in Haiti? The government of Alix Didier Fils-Aimé has failed, and it was predictable. The Transitional Presidential Council, which includes five individuals indicted for corruption, embezzlement of public funds, and alleged support for armed gangs, cannot continue to remain at the head of the state. It is immoral! We all wish for political progress that must necessarily lead to free and transparent elections. We condemn any electoral process that would allow criminal actors to retain state authority or return to it. Our governors must be aware that they are bound by the obligation of accountability. Those who have led us must know that if they aspire to return to politics, they not only have the obligation to present a satisfactory record to the population but also to demonstrate that they have scrupulously respected the principles of accountability. This is the only way to prove respect for the Republic and the citizens they have served. Meanwhile, we cannot avoid the central political question, that of a mission ending rapidly. The Transitional Presidential Council, from which the de facto government derives its authority, must leave with it to pave the way for a solution that truly works for the nation. An institutional response, certainly difficult, seems to me to be the least risky and most viable approach to guarantee confidence in the new governance that must take shape on February 7, 2026. Let us combine our strengths and unite our intelligences to forge the consensus that would spare us the ultimate humiliation in the face of the current bankruptcy for which we are primarily responsible. For history never forgives peoples who give up on themselves. Let us rise, take our destiny back into our own hands, and make February 7, 2026, not the date of an announced collapse, but that of a national resurgence! Haiti awaits only our courage. It is now up to us to answer the call. Sonet Saint-louis, Esq.
Professor of Constitutional Law and Legal Research Methodology at the Faculty of Law and Economics of the State University of Haiti.
Université du Québec à Montréal Email: sonet.saintlouis@gmail.com