Haiti and the United States: A Relationship of Misunderstanding
By La Rédaction · Port-au-Prince
· 6 min read · Updated 24 April 2026
Translated from French — AI-assisted and reviewed by the editorial team. The French version is authoritative. Read the original · About our translation policy
The decision by the American administration to prohibit the entry of Haitian nationals into the United States marks a major turning point in relations between the two countries.
A relationship forged for over a century, but often marked by misunderstandings, diplomatic tensions, and profound imbalances. This new measure thus reopens historical wounds and highlights the persistent fragilities in the relationship between Haiti and Uncle Sam's country. The history of relations between Haiti and the United States dates back well before the proclamation of Haitian independence in 1804. Indeed, several Haitian figures, notably soldiers from Saint-Domingue, participated in the American War of Independence alongside the insurgents against the British Empire, particularly during the Battle of Savannah in 1779, under French command. After Haiti's independence, despite the hostile international context, commercial relations quickly formed between the young republic and the United States. However, Haiti represented an ideological and social threat in the eyes of American elites, as the very existence of a free Black Republic constituted a dangerous precedent for a country where the enslavement of Black people was still in force. In 1826, during the Congress of Panama convened by Simón Bolívar to unify the young Latin American republics around a political and military alliance, Haiti — despite being one of Bolívar's earliest supporters — was not invited. This exclusion, largely influenced by the United States, aimed to avoid legitimizing a state born from a slave revolution, which risked having internal repercussions within the United States itself. It was not until 1865, following the Civil War and the abolition of slavery, that the United States officially established diplomatic relations with Haiti. This formal recognition was sealed under the presidency of Abraham Lincoln for the United States and Fabre Nicolas Geffrard on the Haitian side. This diplomatic act marked a historical turning point, reflecting a new coherence between American internal policy — now opposed to slavery — and its position on the international stage. The 20th century was particularly turbulent in the history of relations between Haiti and the United States. This period was marked by a series of regrettable events that profoundly affected Haitian sovereignty and left lasting scars in the collective memory of the Haitian people. Among the first significant events was the theft of the gold reserves of the National Bank of Haiti in 1910, orchestrated with the complicity of American financial interests. This act, perceived as a direct assault on the country's economic sovereignty, laid the groundwork for increasing U.S. interference in Haitian affairs. Five years later, in 1915, the American military occupation of Haiti began, lasting until 1934. For nearly twenty years, the country was de facto administered by American authorities, under the pretext of restoring order and ensuring stability. This occupation was marked by a series of abuses, injustices, and humiliations for the Haitian people. Among the most tragic episodes of this period is the assassination of national hero Charlemagne Péralte in 1919, leader of the resistance against the occupation. His death and the manner in which his body was publicly displayed by the occupation forces deeply shocked the population and strengthened nationalist sentiment. Other incidents, such as the Marchaterre affair, as well as numerous isolated cases of abuses committed by the occupation forces, attest to the climate of tension and violence that prevailed at the time. Thus, the 20th century, far from being a period of harmonious cooperation between Haiti and the United States, was rather an era of domination, resistance, and mistrust, which has lastingly influenced the Haitian perception of its powerful northern neighbor. Despite the tensions and wounds inherited from the American occupation, Haiti, at several key moments in the 20th century, provided its support to the United States in major geopolitical contexts. During World War II, Haiti actively supported the Allied war effort by making several plantations available to the United States for rubber production, a strategic resource essential for the military industry at the time. This gesture of cooperation demonstrated a rapprochement between the two nations, in a global context where alliances were vital. Later, during the Cold War, Haiti aligned itself with American positions, particularly in its fight against communism. Under the dictatorships of François Duvalier and then Jean-Claude Duvalier, the Haitian regime distinguished itself by anti-communist ideological zeal, which helped maintain the tacit — if not explicit — support of the United States, despite systematic human rights violations. A particularly significant diplomatic episode was the Punta del Este Conference in 1962, when the United States sought to exclude Cuba from the Organization of American States (OAS) due to its Marxist orientation. In this context, Haiti's vote was decisive. By supporting the American position, Haiti contributed to isolating Cuba on the inter-American stage, thus strengthening its image as a faithful ally of Washington. These acts of strategic cooperation certainly brought Haiti closer to the United States, but they were also often dictated by a logic of dependence, where American political and economic support was perceived as vital for the survival of the regimes in power — sometimes at the expense of the democratic and popular interests of the Haitian people. Haitian migration to the United States took root in the 1970s, a period marked by the dictatorship of Duvalier père et fils. Fleeing political repression, growing poverty, and the absence of fundamental freedoms, thousands of Haitians sought refuge on American soil. This migratory movement intensified over the decades, contributing to the establishment of strong Haitian communities, particularly in Florida and New York. Today, this diaspora represents a major economic player for Haiti. Through its remittances — the famous migratory remittances — it contributes nearly 20% of the country's gross domestic product (GDP). This figure demonstrates not only a structural economic link between Haiti and the United States but also the vital role these nationals play in the survival of the Haitian national economy. Beyond the economy, the Haitian community actively participates in American civic and political life, particularly in the strategic state of Florida. This demographic group has gained influence, becoming an important electoral vector during presidential elections, as was the case during the election won by Donald Trump, whose administration subsequently adopted migratory measures deemed hostile towards Haitians. The decision to restrict, or even prohibit, the entry of Haitian nationals onto American soil, taken by this administration, can be perceived as a symbolic setback, even a snub, to a historical relationship over a century old. In an international context where new poles of power are emerging and geostrategic balances are being redefined, such a position could well prove to be an error in judgment on the part of the United States. For Haiti has always been, despite its internal fragilities, a faithful partner of the United States. From participation in World War II to ideological alignment during the Cold War, and diplomatic support in inter-American arenas, Haiti has consistently shown historical solidarity with its powerful northern neighbor. In this sense, such a migratory measure reflects not only a historical misunderstanding but also a strategic rupture, at a time when regional stability, migratory dynamics, and economic cooperation issues, on the contrary, demand more dialogue, mutual respect, and a common vision. Wilfrid Joseph
A relationship forged for over a century, but often marked by misunderstandings, diplomatic tensions, and profound imbalances. This new measure thus reopens historical wounds and highlights the persistent fragilities in the relationship between Haiti and Uncle Sam's country. The history of relations between Haiti and the United States dates back well before the proclamation of Haitian independence in 1804. Indeed, several Haitian figures, notably soldiers from Saint-Domingue, participated in the American War of Independence alongside the insurgents against the British Empire, particularly during the Battle of Savannah in 1779, under French command. After Haiti's independence, despite the hostile international context, commercial relations quickly formed between the young republic and the United States. However, Haiti represented an ideological and social threat in the eyes of American elites, as the very existence of a free Black Republic constituted a dangerous precedent for a country where the enslavement of Black people was still in force. In 1826, during the Congress of Panama convened by Simón Bolívar to unify the young Latin American republics around a political and military alliance, Haiti — despite being one of Bolívar's earliest supporters — was not invited. This exclusion, largely influenced by the United States, aimed to avoid legitimizing a state born from a slave revolution, which risked having internal repercussions within the United States itself. It was not until 1865, following the Civil War and the abolition of slavery, that the United States officially established diplomatic relations with Haiti. This formal recognition was sealed under the presidency of Abraham Lincoln for the United States and Fabre Nicolas Geffrard on the Haitian side. This diplomatic act marked a historical turning point, reflecting a new coherence between American internal policy — now opposed to slavery — and its position on the international stage. The 20th century was particularly turbulent in the history of relations between Haiti and the United States. This period was marked by a series of regrettable events that profoundly affected Haitian sovereignty and left lasting scars in the collective memory of the Haitian people. Among the first significant events was the theft of the gold reserves of the National Bank of Haiti in 1910, orchestrated with the complicity of American financial interests. This act, perceived as a direct assault on the country's economic sovereignty, laid the groundwork for increasing U.S. interference in Haitian affairs. Five years later, in 1915, the American military occupation of Haiti began, lasting until 1934. For nearly twenty years, the country was de facto administered by American authorities, under the pretext of restoring order and ensuring stability. This occupation was marked by a series of abuses, injustices, and humiliations for the Haitian people. Among the most tragic episodes of this period is the assassination of national hero Charlemagne Péralte in 1919, leader of the resistance against the occupation. His death and the manner in which his body was publicly displayed by the occupation forces deeply shocked the population and strengthened nationalist sentiment. Other incidents, such as the Marchaterre affair, as well as numerous isolated cases of abuses committed by the occupation forces, attest to the climate of tension and violence that prevailed at the time. Thus, the 20th century, far from being a period of harmonious cooperation between Haiti and the United States, was rather an era of domination, resistance, and mistrust, which has lastingly influenced the Haitian perception of its powerful northern neighbor. Despite the tensions and wounds inherited from the American occupation, Haiti, at several key moments in the 20th century, provided its support to the United States in major geopolitical contexts. During World War II, Haiti actively supported the Allied war effort by making several plantations available to the United States for rubber production, a strategic resource essential for the military industry at the time. This gesture of cooperation demonstrated a rapprochement between the two nations, in a global context where alliances were vital. Later, during the Cold War, Haiti aligned itself with American positions, particularly in its fight against communism. Under the dictatorships of François Duvalier and then Jean-Claude Duvalier, the Haitian regime distinguished itself by anti-communist ideological zeal, which helped maintain the tacit — if not explicit — support of the United States, despite systematic human rights violations. A particularly significant diplomatic episode was the Punta del Este Conference in 1962, when the United States sought to exclude Cuba from the Organization of American States (OAS) due to its Marxist orientation. In this context, Haiti's vote was decisive. By supporting the American position, Haiti contributed to isolating Cuba on the inter-American stage, thus strengthening its image as a faithful ally of Washington. These acts of strategic cooperation certainly brought Haiti closer to the United States, but they were also often dictated by a logic of dependence, where American political and economic support was perceived as vital for the survival of the regimes in power — sometimes at the expense of the democratic and popular interests of the Haitian people. Haitian migration to the United States took root in the 1970s, a period marked by the dictatorship of Duvalier père et fils. Fleeing political repression, growing poverty, and the absence of fundamental freedoms, thousands of Haitians sought refuge on American soil. This migratory movement intensified over the decades, contributing to the establishment of strong Haitian communities, particularly in Florida and New York. Today, this diaspora represents a major economic player for Haiti. Through its remittances — the famous migratory remittances — it contributes nearly 20% of the country's gross domestic product (GDP). This figure demonstrates not only a structural economic link between Haiti and the United States but also the vital role these nationals play in the survival of the Haitian national economy. Beyond the economy, the Haitian community actively participates in American civic and political life, particularly in the strategic state of Florida. This demographic group has gained influence, becoming an important electoral vector during presidential elections, as was the case during the election won by Donald Trump, whose administration subsequently adopted migratory measures deemed hostile towards Haitians. The decision to restrict, or even prohibit, the entry of Haitian nationals onto American soil, taken by this administration, can be perceived as a symbolic setback, even a snub, to a historical relationship over a century old. In an international context where new poles of power are emerging and geostrategic balances are being redefined, such a position could well prove to be an error in judgment on the part of the United States. For Haiti has always been, despite its internal fragilities, a faithful partner of the United States. From participation in World War II to ideological alignment during the Cold War, and diplomatic support in inter-American arenas, Haiti has consistently shown historical solidarity with its powerful northern neighbor. In this sense, such a migratory measure reflects not only a historical misunderstanding but also a strategic rupture, at a time when regional stability, migratory dynamics, and economic cooperation issues, on the contrary, demand more dialogue, mutual respect, and a common vision. Wilfrid Joseph
