The Nationalism of Profiteers: Sidelined and Resentful

Me Sonet Saint-Louis President Jovenel Moïse lost power on the night of July 7, 2021, following a coup d'état that cost him his life and in which some of his close collaborators as well as political opponents were involved. The Haitian political class that took the reins of the country after this heinous assassination is now on track to accumulate five years in power, the equivalent of a full presidential term. Power without control, devoid of a popular mandate, seems to be the governance model that these politicians, without true roots, have imposed since this dreadful tragedy. The maintenance of such a regime can only further weaken the country, its independence, and its sovereignty. It also paves the way for the plundering of state resources, transformed into a veritable bank to be robbed with impunity. It is this poor governance, in which Haiti is mired, that is leading to its collapse. With this mode of management, the country's announced demise was already written, and its enemies no longer need to act to complete its destruction. The corruption and mediocrity practiced by the Haitian elites have overcome Haiti. Bitterness of a Political Faction What explains today the bitterness of a certain political faction that has, however, long collaborated with Western powers to access power, at the cost of compromises detrimental to national interests? As curious as it may seem, it is the Presidential Transitional Council – through presidential advisor, economist Fritz Alphonse Jean – who brings out the nationalist discourse to denounce the behavior of certain Western ambassadors stationed in Haiti in the management of state affairs. The historical relations between the United States, a global power, and Haiti, a poor and fragile country, have always been marked by a relationship of domination. As the country's collapse becomes total, this domination takes on an unprecedented form of brutality. The Haitian elite bears responsibility for the current situation, as it has made itself undesirable. As early as 2002, the Americans had, however, issued a warning. During a speech delivered in the presence of the main representatives of the Haitian elite, one of their former ambassadors evoked the possibility of a Haitian renaissance and highlighted the danger of entrusting power to traffickers and those who had contributed to the decomposition of the country's political and economic system. One can certainly doubt the sincerity of this discourse, given the multiple American interventions in Haiti, but it must be acknowledged that the warning had been given. The United States defends its interests, which is normal. The real question remains: where to find Haitians capable of defending national interests and defining a true master plan for the country's development? The public interventions of Fritz Alphonse Jean are shocking, as are those of Moïse Jean-Charles and Claude Joseph, all three progenitors of this Presidential Transitional Council to which they remained linked until the end. Do they truly believe they can play a central role in the governance that the nation hopes to establish on February 7, 2026, after this period marked by the accelerated decomposition of the Haitian state and society? I do not seek to belittle any Haitian citizen. Politics is, of course, our common good. When it comes to Haiti and national development issues, everyone is legitimate to speak about them, but not everyone is competent to debate or plan them. What, in fact, grants Moïse Jean-Charles and Claude Joseph this sovereign right to decide the future of Haiti, after having themselves contributed to major political excesses and national catastrophes? In the case of Moïse Jean-Charles, is it the sterile radicalism of his positions or his proven ignorance that suddenly designates him as an arbiter of national destiny? And in the case of Claude Joseph, is it his political opportunism, tainted by dubious practices and a heavy past, that would give him the legitimacy to chart the country's course? Corruption Leads the Country to Decline In Haiti, when one is an educated citizen, endowed with moral integrity that no one could question, one almost always starts with a handicap in this society. One day, Deputy Jerry Tardieu asked Professor Leslie Manigat the following question: as a global historian, heir to the teachings of the Annales School, what do you consider the most striking fact in national history? The professor replied spontaneously and directly: the struggle against competence, quality, excellence, and integrity. He added: if a man who is certainly competent and proven, but corrupt, is placed in power, the country will head even faster towards decline. Unfortunately, such is the lamentable state in which we are floundering. The same corrupt, fallen, degenerate figures come, disappear, then reappear to impose their governance model based on mediocrity and corruption — these two pillars around which elites, both left and right, seal their consensus. Who had elevated Didier Alix Fils-Aimé to power? It was not “the white man” nor a foreign actor, but indeed the majority of the political class gathered within the Presidential Transitional Council, which made that choice. It was the CPT that decided the composition of the ministerial cabinet, diplomatic appointments, the director general of the police, and the high command of the Armed Forces. The CPT's responsibility is therefore total in the catastrophe we are experiencing. Our misfortune stems not only from this totally unproductive government but also from the body that chose and implemented it. The feeling of bitterness expressed today by this team in power is misleading, as is the sudden return to nationalist discourse. One quickly forgets that this CPT was installed following an international coup d'état of which Dr. Ariel Henry was the victim, becoming a cumbersome piece of furniture after spending thirty-one months in power without organizing a single election. On what rule of international law were his arrest and subsequent detention on US territory based? On an “international law” founded on rules enacted by the United States, and not on classical international law. It is in light of these rules that one must understand the sanctions taken against some of our compatriots, who have the responsibility to defend their cause before a neutral, independent, and impartial tribunal. I hope that the United States and Canada, democratic countries where the rule of law prevails, will offer them this possibility, as the handling of these cases is essential for stability and social peace in Haiti. The Haitian Tragedy Must Finally End Dignity in the defense of national interest must remain constant. For this, it is essential that the country makes reasonable choices, based on criteria of patriotism, integrity, and competence to designate its leaders. In international relations — and even more so in interstate relations — it is not always the most just position that triumphs, but that of the strongest. In the current context, Haiti cannot be strong, but it can show intelligence by giving itself room to maneuver to negotiate and interact with the powers of the moment. The best strategy is to retreat after so many defeats, in order to better organize ourselves to bounce back stronger in history. While awaiting these better days, which are not out of reach, it is urgent to get rid of this team in power with whom no compromise is possible. It is time to end the Haitian tragedy. Last-minute maneuvers to prolong the collapse are just a flash in the pan: they will all leave together. Let us therefore offer ourselves, through political consultation, a solution that, this time, will work. For despite the deep night the nation is going through, Haiti still possesses the human, moral, and historical resources to recover, provided that its children finally choose the path of lucidity and unity. Happy holiday season. The fight continues! Me Sonet Saint-Louis, Esq.
Professor of Constitutional Law and Legal Research Methodology at the State University of Haiti. Université du Québec à Montréal
Email: sonet.saintlouis@gmail.com