Visit of the Russian Foreign Minister to the Dominican Republic: A Realpolitik Lesson for Haitian Authorities to Ponder
By Gedeon Delva · Port-au-Prince
· 2 min read · Updated 24 April 2026
Translated from French — AI-assisted and reviewed by the editorial team. The French version is authoritative. Read the original · About our translation policy
The Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, Sergey Lavrov, visited the Dominican Republic on April 30.
This visit marks a first in bilateral relations between Moscow and Santo Domingo. During his visit, Mr. Lavrov held in-depth discussions on trade, tourism, bilateral cooperation, and a series of strong gestures indicative of a multipolar shift in current international relations. *Should Haiti remain a spectator?* By receiving Lavrov, the Dominican Republic did not merely engage in a diplomatic courtesy exercise. It asserted itself as a strategic partner of Russia in the region, carefully weaving a network of cooperation in the areas of trade, tourism, university education, cultural exchange, and even multilateral affairs at the UN. Clearly, Santo Domingo capitalized on a rare visit to structure its position in the emerging multipolar chessboard. However, on the other side of the island, no official message, bilateral contact, or sectoral cooperation proposal was reported. The absence of a Haitian diplomatic surge, at the very moment when BRICS, this alternative coalition to Western powers, is expanding and strengthening its bridges with the Global South, reflects an anemic and inert national strategy. One of the most significant elements of this visit is undoubtedly its connection to recent developments within BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa), from which Lavrov had just returned after a ministerial meeting in Rio de Janeiro. During his discussions with his Dominican counterpart, Lavrov clearly outlined the prospects offered by the new multipolar paradigm, including for non-member partner states. This included investment opportunities, non-dollar financing mechanisms, educational projects, and strengthened multilateral support for countries in the Global South. *What advantage could Haiti gain from strengthened cooperation with Russia?* For many, Haiti could and should have positioned itself as an observer state or privileged partner of this rapidly expanding bloc. In a national context marked by a severe institutional, economic, and security crisis, opening up to BRICS would have offered Port-au-Prince a credible and strategic alternative to traditional aid and cooperation channels, dominated by the West, which often prove more conditional and restrictive. Haiti must correct its course. A more proactive diplomacy, oriented towards emerging countries and less subject to traditional paradigms of dependence, could open new horizons for the Haitian economy. Strategic geopolitical axes in various fields, notably in terms of infrastructure development, diversification of trade partners, job creation through direct foreign investments, support for agriculture, energy, or telecommunications via BRICS channels. It should be recalled that an IMBRICS ambassador for Haiti, Mr. Monel Calherbe, was officially appointed by the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. This step is part of a strategic desire to bring Haiti closer to BRICS member countries and to strengthen South-South exchanges and cooperation.
This visit marks a first in bilateral relations between Moscow and Santo Domingo. During his visit, Mr. Lavrov held in-depth discussions on trade, tourism, bilateral cooperation, and a series of strong gestures indicative of a multipolar shift in current international relations. *Should Haiti remain a spectator?* By receiving Lavrov, the Dominican Republic did not merely engage in a diplomatic courtesy exercise. It asserted itself as a strategic partner of Russia in the region, carefully weaving a network of cooperation in the areas of trade, tourism, university education, cultural exchange, and even multilateral affairs at the UN. Clearly, Santo Domingo capitalized on a rare visit to structure its position in the emerging multipolar chessboard. However, on the other side of the island, no official message, bilateral contact, or sectoral cooperation proposal was reported. The absence of a Haitian diplomatic surge, at the very moment when BRICS, this alternative coalition to Western powers, is expanding and strengthening its bridges with the Global South, reflects an anemic and inert national strategy. One of the most significant elements of this visit is undoubtedly its connection to recent developments within BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa), from which Lavrov had just returned after a ministerial meeting in Rio de Janeiro. During his discussions with his Dominican counterpart, Lavrov clearly outlined the prospects offered by the new multipolar paradigm, including for non-member partner states. This included investment opportunities, non-dollar financing mechanisms, educational projects, and strengthened multilateral support for countries in the Global South. *What advantage could Haiti gain from strengthened cooperation with Russia?* For many, Haiti could and should have positioned itself as an observer state or privileged partner of this rapidly expanding bloc. In a national context marked by a severe institutional, economic, and security crisis, opening up to BRICS would have offered Port-au-Prince a credible and strategic alternative to traditional aid and cooperation channels, dominated by the West, which often prove more conditional and restrictive. Haiti must correct its course. A more proactive diplomacy, oriented towards emerging countries and less subject to traditional paradigms of dependence, could open new horizons for the Haitian economy. Strategic geopolitical axes in various fields, notably in terms of infrastructure development, diversification of trade partners, job creation through direct foreign investments, support for agriculture, energy, or telecommunications via BRICS channels. It should be recalled that an IMBRICS ambassador for Haiti, Mr. Monel Calherbe, was officially appointed by the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. This step is part of a strategic desire to bring Haiti closer to BRICS member countries and to strengthen South-South exchanges and cooperation.
