Opinion By Wilfrid Joseph

What if July 28, 1915, marked the beginning of American imperialism in Haiti? The first Black republic (Haiti) and the first independent republic in the Americas (the United States, 1776) share complex ties marked by colonial history and struggles for independence. During the American War of Independence (1775-1783), Haiti was not yet an independent nation, but a French colony known as Saint-Domingue, the wealthiest of the Antilles colonies. In the context of imperial rivalries, France, wishing to weaken its old British enemy after its defeat in the Seven Years' War (1756-1763), decided to support the American insurgents. King Louis XVI provided military and financial support to the thirteen rebellious colonies. Among the forces sent were not only renowned French officers such as the Marquis de La Fayette, but also contingents raised in the colonies, including several hundred Black and mulatto soldiers from Saint-Domingue. These men, sometimes called «the volunteers of Saint-Domingue,» notably participated in the Battle of Savannah (1779), one of the major confrontations in the southern United States. Among these soldiers were men who would later become key figures in the Haitian Revolution: Henri Christophe, future King of Haiti; Jean-Baptiste Belley, the first Black deputy to sit in France; and Jean-François Biassou, one of the first leaders of the slave revolt in 1791. The military experience gained on American battlefields, as well as the ideas of liberty circulating in the Atlantic at that time, would fuel their political consciousness and their aspiration for emancipation. After the proclamation of its independence on January 1, 1804, Haiti, the world's first Black republic, was perceived as a threat by the United States. Indeed, the former British colony still practiced slavery, particularly in the Southern states, whose economy depended on slave labor. The success of the Haitian Revolution, which ended slavery and proclaimed the equality of former slaves, sparked fears of revolutionary contagion among African-American slaves. Consequently, the United States adopted a hostile stance towards the young Black republic. This rejection was manifested by the refusal to officially recognize Haitian independence for several decades. Haiti was also excluded from the Congress of Panama in 1826, organized by the liberator Simón Bolívar at the impetus of Gran Colombia, to strengthen ties between the young American republics. Although Bolívar had benefited from decisive support from Haiti (notably from President Alexandre Pétion), the United States refused to participate if Haiti was invited, thus exerting discriminatory diplomatic pressure. It was only after the Civil War (1861-1865), marked by the abolition of slavery in the United States, that President Abraham Lincoln officially recognized Haiti's independence in 1862, under the presidency of Fabre Nicolas Geffrard. This late recognition marked a turning point but did not eliminate American interference. Under the aegis of the Monroe Doctrine proclaimed in 1823 («America for Americans»), the United States progressively strengthened its influence in Latin America and the Caribbean. Haiti did not escape this dynamic: in 1910, in a context of financial and political pressure, American Marines seized the gold reserve of the National Bank of Haiti, which they transferred to New York, foreshadowing the American occupation from 1915 to 1934. On July 27, 1915, Haitian President Vilbrun Guillaume Sam was lynched by an angry crowd in front of the French legation in Port-au-Prince. His brutal assassination occurred after he had 167 political prisoners executed, mainly opponents from the mulatto elite. This political crisis offered the United States a pretext to intervene militarily in the country. The next day, July 28, 1915, American Marines landed in Bizoton, claiming to want to protect foreign lives and interests present in Haiti. In reality, this intervention was part of a broader geopolitical strategy of the United States in the region, in light of the Monroe Doctrine (1823) and the Roosevelt Corollary (1904), aimed at establishing control over the Caribbean. This occupation lasted 19 years, from 1915 to 1934, placing Haiti under de facto American tutelage. Even though several presidents succeeded one another in power, often with Washington's approval or imposition, the country lost a large part of its sovereignty. The American administration took control of finances, the police, customs, and even public works. However, the American occupation did not proceed without resistance. It sparked a strong nationalist protest movement, embodied by several illustrious figures, including: Charlemagne Péralte, Benoît Batraville, Louis Borno. Among the most striking abuses of the occupation was the Marchaterre affair, where peasants were massacred while protesting against a forced labor law deemed unjust and humiliating, reminiscent of colonial practices. This type of repression illustrates human rights violations and the disregard for national sovereignty by the occupying forces. The year 1934 officially marked the end of the American military occupation in Haiti. However, while the troops left the territory, the influence of the United States on the Haitian administration remained deeply rooted. The indirect control exerted over the country's finances, public institutions, and political orientations remained strong, illustrating a form of administrative and structural occupation. During World War II (1939-1945), Haiti, though modest militarily, supported the Allies, particularly the United States, by offering diplomatic, economic (coffee, sisal, etc.), and logistical support. This cooperation was part of a logic of diplomatic loyalty and strategic positioning in the Caribbean. Subsequently, during the Cold War (1947-1991), a new dynamic emerged. This ideological conflict pitted capitalism, championed by the United States, against Marxism-Leninism, defended by the USSR. Fearing the spread of communism in Latin America and the Caribbean, particularly after the Cuban Revolution of 1959. In this context, Washington supported authoritarian regimes that claimed to be «anti-communist,» even when they were fiercely repressive. Thus, the United States provided diplomatic, financial, and military support to the Duvalier dictatorship in Haiti. At the end of the Cold War, the United States imposed representative democracy as a new universal norm, particularly in countries of the Global South, including Haiti. In this context, under international pressure and internal popular demands, the first truly free and democratic elections were organized in Haiti on December 16, 1990. These elections consecrated the overwhelming victory of Jean-Bertrand Aristide, a Catholic priest and former liberation theology activist, supported by a popular base primarily from disadvantaged neighborhoods and civil society movements. He was officially inaugurated on February 7, 1991. However, his political project of social justice, the fight against corruption, and economic independence deeply disturbed certain local elites, as well as the strategic and economic interests of the United States. After only seven months in power, on September 30, 1991, Jean-Bertrand Aristide was overthrown by a military coup, led by General Raoul Cédras, with the tacit complicity or even active support of sectors of the American establishment, notably the CIA, which had ties with several officers of the junta. Faced with international indignation and Haitian popular pressure, a series of diplomatic negotiations began, under the aegis of the UN, the OAS, but also thanks to the decisive mediation of former American President Jimmy Carter. A severe economic embargo was imposed on Haiti, further weakening the population but ultimately forcing the junta to yield. In 1994, the military agreed to hand over power. In exchange, the United States conditioned Jean-Bertrand Aristide's return on the implementation of a neoliberal economic program dictated by international financial institutions (IMF, World Bank) and inspired by the Chicago School. This program notably involved: The privatization of several strategic public enterprises, including: Cimenterie d’Haïti (Haiti Cement Company) Hasco (Haitian American Sugar Company) L’Aciérie d’Haïti (Haiti Steel Mill) La Téléco (Télécommunications d’Haïti) The reduction of the state's role in the economy, The opening of markets, often to the detriment of local producers, particularly agricultural ones. These reforms, imposed under the guise of democracy and development, often led to massive impoverishment, a weakening of economic sovereignty, and an increase in external dependence. Overall, US-Haitian relations have been profoundly detrimental to Haiti's development and sovereignty. In the jungle of interstate relations, the weak are often devoured by the powerful, according to the raw but realistic logic of power dynamics. As the Cuban revolutionary leader Fidel Castro so aptly said:

« We are so far from God, and so close to the Devil. »